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The cycle tour will begin in Kimberly, Northern Cape, on 28 February and end in Cape Town on 3 March. Funds raised from the tour will go towards providing meals for the disadvantaged and needy. Meals on Wheels feeds thousands of families every day and conducts feeding schemes in poor schools in the Northern Cape.


1. When and where was MOWCS SA established?

MOWCS was established 1964 in East London by an incredible man named Dr Dennis Baird, founder of MOWCS.

2. What does it stand for?

It stands for Meals on Wheels Community Service South Africa.

3. What does the organisation do?

Meals on Wheels Community Service South Africa is a humanitarian initiative that strives to bring relief to the countrys less fortunate and aged, irrespective of colour, class or culture. As far as possible, help is granted wherever it is needed. MOWCS serves the basic needs of the poorest of the poor, the vulnerable, the disabled and the elderly in society. The poorest of the poor refer to persons with little or no income such as old-age pension, disability pension, child care grants etc. The vulnerable include women with children, child-headed households and orphans.

Target groups are: previously disadvantaged groups, previously underdeveloped areas, targeting the poorest of the poor, the vulnerable and the elderly.

4. What is your mission?

To identify the social, health, family life and welfare needs of the community and to co-ordinate, through our branches and service points, meaningful care, using available resources, motivated by supreme love for God and impartial love for our fellow men to the ultimate glory of God.

5. What are your challenges?

We are still faced with imbalances of the past most previously disadvantaged groups do not have access to formal infrastructure and facilities. Rectifying these imbalances is a priority for us. There are 12 million people facing hunger every day. We are currently serving just over a million people per month, so our task has only just begun!

6. What was the purpose of this establishment in 1964?

The purpose at that time was to provide meals for the elderly in the community.

7. How has it evolved since then?

MOWCS has since then, evolved into a national programme, targeting not just the elderly in the community, but also the poorest of the poor and the vulnerable people of South Africa. The service has expanded to deal with poverty in general, and in the case of the younger generation, the idea is to provide them with skills and capacity to empower these individuals to become self-sustainable over a period of six months to a year. For this purpose, we encourage existing Meals on Wheels branches to expand their services to include service centres where the basket of services will slot in.

8. What is the purpose of these service centres and what does the basket of services include?

The purpose of a service centre is to assist elderly persons to remain active and self-supporting within their community for as long as it is physically possible. Note that this is an essential service in the community as the majority of South Africans will never be able to afford accommodation in a frail-care centre. Some of these centers are subsidised by the government only for support services, hence the funding by MOWCS SA for the provision of meals at the centers on daily basis. Service centres for the elderly and multi-purpose service centres provide services between three and five days a week.

Other service-centre activities include the following:

Daily worship; weekly Bible studies and church services; crafts such as dress making, knitting and sewing, the making and decorating of gift boxes, bags and cards; cake decorating for special occasions; flower arranging; catering for events; home-based care, home visits and assisted living; exercise programmes; health talks; hairdressing; laundry services; and transport services.

9. In which other areas are offices of the organisation?

The following six areas are divisions of MOWCS SA in the nine provinces of South Africa: Eastern Cape, KwaZulu-Natal, the Free State, the Northern Cape, Trans-Orange Conference, Transvaal Conference and the Western Cape.

10. Where does MOWCS's funds and support come from?

MOWCS is a non-profit organisation. Therefore, we rely on donations, sponsors and fundraising.

11. From the 25 service points in the Northern Cape, how many people does MOWCS feed per month?

We are currently feeding more than 100000 people in the Northern Cape per month.

12. How many branches do you have?

We have 140 branches nationwide and more than 400 service points. These branches are delivering and serving more than 13.4 million meals annually.

Admin · 36 vistas · Escribir un comentario
29 Feb. 2016
by Iwedi Ojinmah 26 February 2016, 15:21

For the record it happened in the wee hours of the morning and the nocturnal ones were first to see the news; on Twitter, where Sunday Oliseh tendered his resignation as the head coach for the Super Eagles.

But many will say the disconnect between coach and federation had happened long ago. His eight month tenure as we know had not been without incident, the latest, YouTube rants on how he did not beg for the Eagles' job and how little support he had gotten especially from the media. Before that, there were the incidents involving ex captain Vincent Enyeama [below] and a failed CHAN campaign. This time, the news was simple and straight to the point, he was done, it was over. quickly sent out feelers from coast to coast and asked people how they felt on this latest if not expected development. First approached was Emeka Enyadike the Football Manager in charge of African football, and from the MultiChoice campus in Randburg he didnt mince words sharing.

"Ths is not good for Nigeria. We need stability in the Super Eagles. We cannot keep changing Coaches whether they are fired or they resign. Nigeria needs to shift focus away from tournament strategies to development strategies and we also need to handle Nigerian coaches with the same respect we accord Foreign Coaches. We need to improve the working climate and provide better support and also long term mandates... It was the same with Amodu, Siasia, Keshi, Amokachi, Eguavoen and Chukwu, the only difference now is that Oliseh was bold enough to resign, and walk away where others endured."

"We have seen that when we have stayed with a Coach for long like with Westerhof, [above] we achieved, since then, we have regressed because we want to 'chop and change' after every tournament".

Next we approached Sam Nnaji in Aba and he was flabbergasted by the news but still had plenty to say.

"Well it has finally happened. Oliseh says its due to "Contract violations, lack of Support,Unpaid wages,Benefits to my players,Asst.Coaches & myself,". The gaffer stated on his Twitter account. Then the closing tweet; "I feel fortunate, blessed and eternally grateful for having had the honour to play,Captain and Coach this great Nation of ours,Nigeria" and that pretty much sums it up."

" The underlying issues between the country's football house and the Delta born tactician as regards his contract terms and violations is talk for another day but for Nigerians, priority is what becomes of the AFCON qualifiers as the Eagles play the Pharaohs of Egypt in a month".

"Now gone, we are left in much the same predicament he originally found us, an Eagles setup with much more talented set of players but not particularly beefy with confidence. The talent is not wanting, after all the Ighalos and Iheanachos keep terrorizing defenses in Europe weekly and John Mikel Obi is the pride of Blue London once again.

Most Nigerians would agree that with the right technical input we can topple the Pharaohs but who would offer that? The AFCON qualification table right now looks anything but pleasant as we need at least 4 points in our back to back fixtures against the Egyptians to go top in addition to winning our remaining fixtures. This early morning's development has literally pulled the carpet from underneath our feet, leaving the big guns currently in Zurich for the FIFA elections wondering who to turn to as a quick fix".

"Already, such names as Samson Siasia and Emmanuel Amunike have been mentioned as has the Mr 'stand-in', Ahmodu Shuaibu. Siasia worked his magic with the Under-23s in the African Championships two months ago as did Amuneke who won the Under-17 World Cup in Chile last year. Shuaibu [below] has handled the role five times already even though he is rarely taken serious enough for something concrete and this could be yet another open door for his invitation yet again. Siasia himself had been there before, having been shown the exit door after failing to qualify for the 2012 World Cup. Or perhaps a 'collaboration' of the two or even all three would work seeing we have found ourselves yet again in a race against time".

"Probably the solution and choice of the NFF lies beyond the aforementioned trio but whoever gets the nod can hardly say they are unaware of the huge expectations and of course the unique working conditions".

Our next port of call was Nairobi home of East Africa's Mr. Football himself Collins Okinyo who was also quite frazzled at the news and shared the following with

"I personally feel the departure of Sunday Oliseh has come at a very wrong time and reading why he did puts focus on the NFF's treatment of local coaches. The NFF should have provided a conducive atmosphere for the coach to work in without any distractions to avoid any excuses just as they did for Vogts and other expatriates. But they did not.".

"On the other hand Sunday Oliseh has allowed alot of distractions from rifts with players to get to him and he should have been more composed to work more on the pitch unlike off the pitch. Ther is no doubt now that the NFF under Amaju Pinnick have their work cut out to get the right replacement who can inspire the team ahead of the Afcon qualifiers."

Finally we stop in Port Harcourt, home of the re-surging Rivers United and Sammy the Whizman Wejinya who is their brand new and superb Media Officer and he too, though not surprised was far from elated at the development. He shared.

"I bet they are celebrating right now in Cairo because we are finished. This is because Oliseh's resignation was a shock especially with just weeks to our crucial 2017 Afcon qualify double header against them.We were always going to face an uphill task against the better-organized Egyptians but we just made life a lot more complicated for ourselves. Let's give Siasia [ above ] the job and the NFF should please get off his back. We will not finish ahead of Egypt anymore and should rather be eyeing the World Cuo in Russia, though that too seems unlikely."

supersport will continue to bring you more reactions to Oliseh's resignation from all around the World.

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29 Feb. 2016
The Times Editorial | 2016-02-25 00:46:28.0

Pravin Gordhan came out fighting for Team South Africa yesterday, appealing to citizens' patriotic instincts and calling for unity to help turn around a faltering economy.

Delivering a Budget many pundits believed would be aimed primarily at the rating agencies, the finance minister resisted the temptation to raise VAT and personal income tax - although a review of the wealth tax set-up is under way - and ramped up expenditure on the troubled higher education sector by R16-billion over the next three years.

He also announced modest increases in social welfare payments for the poor and some relief for farmers hit by drought.

Encouragingly, the government's spending ceiling will be slashed, by R25-billion over the next three years, mainly through the freezing of non-essential posts in the vast, under-performing public service - a major drag on the fiscus.

The question is, will the cuts be enough to stave off a credit rating downgrade to "junk" status?

Emphasising that the National Development Plan - the government's growth blueprint to 2030 - was the cornerstone of his Budget, Gordhan called for co-operation with the private sector to ensure faster growth.

Yet the gulf between the NDP's growth target of in excess of 5% a year and the Treasury's expectation of growth of less than 1% this year could not be wider.

Gordhan opened the door to privatisation of non-performing state-owned enterprises by suggesting that private investors would be able to purchase a minority stake in the ailing SAA, which would be merged with SA Express and other government entities in the sector.

But little mention was made of the fate of other faltering parastatals.

The initial reaction to the Budget speech on the markets was negative - the rand fell - probably because of the perception that it did not do enough to address concerns about growth. Hopefully the ratings agencies take a more sanguine view.

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29 Feb. 2016
Durban The North West University (NWU) has obtained a high court order to prohibit the disruption of activities at its Potchefstroom campus.

The university sent out a notice of the move on Sunday after clashes between authorities and students this past week.

Chaos erupted at the institution's Mahikeng campus on Wednesday when private security guards employed by the university clashed with students. Students set fires during clashes.

The violence broke out shortly after the new Student Representative Council was appointed in the Great Hall.

"As a precautionary measure, the NWU obtained a final court order from the high court today that prohibits the disruption [of] and interference [with] the activities on the Potchefstroom campus. The court order serves as a notice to all students and staff," the statement said.

"Through the court order SAPS is empowered to fully assist NWU in execution of the order. Campus management has already engaged in talks with the commanders of the allocated SAPS units and the cooperation is excellent. We are thus thankful to report that the campus, despite Friday's events remains peaceful."

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28 Feb. 2016
There was a time, not all that long ago, when it was unthinkable that South Africa would have a black president.

It was unthinkable also that out of one of those black townships that existed under apartheid would come a business mogul worth hundreds of millions of dollars.

Unthinkable? Meet Tokyo Sexwale, whose journey has been as remarkable as that of South Africa itself. He's gone from being a poor kid in Soweto to Marxist guerrilla to political prisoner.

And now, he's the most prominent example of a new arrival on the South African scene -- the mega-rich black capitalist. Correspondent Bob Simon reports.

You can often find Tokyo Sexwale right next to Nelson Mandela, now, in post-apartheid South Africa, and back then, during the struggle.

Ten years ago, he was rallying the masses toward victory for the Communist party. Today, South Africa has a burgeoning black bourgeoisie, with Tokyo Sexwale its most prominent member.

He's one of a handful of black leaders and former political prisoners who have gotten really rich by converting their political capital into capital.

It's all courtesy of something called Black Economic Empowerment, a kind of affirmative action program in which white owned companies have been selling off chunks of their businesses to blacks. Special deals on favorable terms, all to compensate for the fact that, under apartheid, blacks were excluded from the economy.

"Three percent of the total market capitalization of the Johannesburg Stock Exchange is in black hands. Three percent. Now we've got a choice," says Sexwale. "What do we do? Our solution is, let's build it ourselves."

Well, not exactly. The most successful black businessmen have had some help from white corporations. Since apartheid ended, white companies have been afraid for their survival under the new black government, and they've been eager to win lucrative state contracts, so they've been offloading parts of their holdings to blacks... especially black politicians. Or at least some black politicians.

"You need to be palatable and acceptable to your white business, because white business still holds the purse strings, and Tokyo Sexwale is extremely palatable," says Alec Hogg, South Africa's leading financial analyst and broadcaster. For the past six years, he's been tracking Sexwale's rapid rise in the business world.

"I think he found the right people to back him. He found one of the leading banks in South Africa, which has virtually given him an open checkbook," says Hogg. "And as a consequence of that, he's been able to put together a number of deals - many, many deals in many different areas of the economy."

That's why he's become known as 'Deal-A-Minute' Sexwale, and today his companies are worth about $500 million. Since South Africa is a country rich in minerals, he's become a mining mogul in gold, platinum, and diamonds. But that's not all. He's got interests in banking, engineering and health care.

Sexwale's sudden success is all the more astonishing when you consider that he grew up in Soweto, the black township outside Johannesburg. Under apartheid, blacks had to live in these segregated and downtrodden areas. They weren't allowed in white neighborhoods.

But even here in their own townships, they couldn't own their own homes or their places of business. What's more, black businessmen were only allowed to trade in a couple of dozen basic commodities: salt, cooking oil, paraffin. Things like that.

In those days, it didn't even matter if blacks did their patriotic duty. Like Sexwale's father, who fought against the Germans in World War II.

"And he came back home. And they gave him a bicycle when his friends were given farms. Because they're white," says Sexwale. "So I was born within those circumstances. Very poor. Nothing. I was born in nothing."

Sexwale joined Nelson Mandela's African National Congress, the ANC, which sent him into exile for military training. It was the height of the Cold War, and the ANC was socialist, so he went to the Soviet Union. Soon enough, he was back, fighting the guerrilla war against apartheid.

He saw himself as a kind of Fidel Castro. But eventually, he was captured, tortured, and sentenced to 18 years in prison. He was sent to South Africa's Alcatraz - Robben Island - where Nelson Mandela was already being held.

For centuries, Robben Island had been a penal colony. Today, it's one of South Africa's most popular tourist destinations.

"When we got here the reception committee was not what you are seeing. There were dogs here, there were guns, there were chains. We were all black; they were all white," says Sexwale.

Under apartheid, all political prisoners were sent to Robben Island, so they'd be cut off from the outside world. But they turned their isolation to their advantage. They held clandestine reading groups, teach-ins, seminars in race relations and socialism. The prison became known as "The University," and Sexwale was one of the favorite "professors."

"We used to see that he was a musician, a great musician. He used to lead us with many freedom songs," says Tsediso Phofu, another political prisoner on the island, who was in the same cellblock as Sexwale.

"Tokyo was a good man," says Phofu. "He was my tutor, teaching me a bit of Russian. He was a socialist, out and out socialist."

Sexwale was also a ringleader in the constant battle for better conditions, a battle in which prisoners could summon the help of legal counsel.

"One of the warders came to me and said, '4178 says that he has to meet you,'" recalls Judy Van Vuuren, a paralegal who worked for a Cape Town law firm. "I was very intimidated by him because he had this enormous presence, a huge presence in this green uniform. He was larger than life. I don't know. It was just very strange."

Strange, because their meetings were always watched closely by guards. And stranger still, because the meetings began to be about more than just prison business.

"I suppose at that time we were really falling in love with each other," says Van Vuuren, even though, under apartheid, love between blacks and whites were illegal. "We couldn't communicate freely like other lovers, wives. Anyone could say, well you know, 'I love you.' We had to do it through smuggled notes all the time, you know, try to touch each other's feet under the table, and just little touches, and speaking with the eyes really."

It was visits from Judy that kept Sexwale going. That and Cape Town on the horizon.

"It was a mistake for them to put us here, because we could see land, land, land all the time. Just the sight of land that for us was always a sign that one day, we'd be free," says Sexwale.

And in 1990, Sexwale along with all the other Robben Islanders was released. Tokyo and Judy soon married. But then tragedy struck. Sexwale's best friend, another rising star in the ANC, was assassinated.

In his grief, Sexwale was suddenly thrust onto the national stage. And when the ANC came to power, President Mandela made Sexwale governor of the richest state in the country.

He became a prudent fiscal manager, popular with the white businessmen who had feared black rule. So five years later, when he decided to leave politics and join them, they helped him find the capital to get started.

"They're not capitalists in the sense that you and I understand it. I think crony capitalism would be perhaps a better definition. And work it through: Where did you, where did these individuals build their wealth? It's because of who they knew, and who they knew in the political ruling party," says Hogg.

Do you have to be revolutionary to get rich? "In the past indeed, but not, ah,not today," says Hogg. "Their minds have changed."

And so has their lifestyle. These days, Sexwale has a vineyard in South Africa's most beautiful valley, and a fabulous house in an exclusive Johannesburg neighborhood, which used to be whites only.

Did Sexwale now want to live like them? "You go there, and play their games on the stock exchange, but with a different objective. You spread the wealth. That's why I am in business today. Am I a normal businessperson? Certainly no. Will I become wealthy," says Sexwale.

"Capitalism in South Africa was limited to white people. And we're fighting against that. Fine. Let the wealth of the country be shared by as many people as possible."

And Sexwale says he's doing his part. He routinely includes a trust for former political prisoners, community groups, and other charities in his empowerment deals. Still, in the New South Africa, the poorest blacks have gotten poorer -- including many former political prisoners.

Remember Phofu, Sexwale's fellow inmate on Robben Island? He founded a school for the mentally disabled, but still makes less than $500 a month, and lives in this one-room apartment with his wife and daughter. He says Black Empowerment hasn't benefited him one bit.

"I feel I've been abandoned. I feel somehow you even regret that what it is that we fought for. Why were you fighting the struggle, for the nation, or for certain individuals to be rich? Meanwhile, you remain in poverty," says Phofu.

"Black Economic Empowerment is good when you look at it in black and white, but presently how many black people have been empowered?"

"The true fact of life is that you'll not succeed equally the same. There are people sometimes I know and I believe that they would like to hold successes against those of us who succeed. And remember: We carry those political prisoners by putting them as shareholders in our businesses," says Sexwale. "By the way Bob, we don't have to. It's out of pure philanthropy of thinking about those you were with in prison. There's no law, no rule to help anybody."

No matter how many blacks are helped, there's no question Black Economic Empowerment is booming. The international accounting firm Ernst & Young recently concluded that last year, the total value of Black Empowerment deals rose from $2 billion to more than $6 billion. Not only that: 60 percent of those deals went to consortia led by either Tokyo Sexwale, or one other top black businessman.

Copyright 2004 CBS. All rights reserved.

Admin · 84 vistas · Escribir un comentario
28 Feb. 2016

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